Chapter 21: Notes - Indigenous Identity and Resistance: Researching the Diversity of Knowledge (2023)


Introduction: Indigenous Studies – Research, Identity and Resistance

L.T. Smith, Decolonising Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Zed Books, London, 1999, p. 110.

A. Nandy, The Intimate Oxford University, Oxford, 1983, pp. 48–9.

I. Colgan McCarthy, 1991, cited in G. Moane, Gender and Colonialism: A Psychological Analysis of Oppression and St Martin’s, New York, 1999, p. 104.

Smith, p. 110.

R. Young, Postcolonialism: An Historical Blackwell, Oxford, 2001, p. 338.

Chapter 1: Mixed Ancestry or Métis?

My thanks to the anonymous reviewers and to Nathalie Kermoal for their careful readings of earlier drafts. This chapter was supported by a Social Sciences and Humanities Council grant #410-2006-2419

Although critical legal and feminist scholars tend to legitimise an unproblematic relationship between ‘law’ and the creation of identity (see generally K. Crenshaw et al. (eds), Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the New Press, New York, 1995; L. Gotell, ‘Queering Law: Not by Vriend’, Canadian Journal of Law and vol. 17, no. 1 (2003), pp. 89–113), the relationship is not so straightforward. Being Métis – like any identity – involves numerable practices, behaviours, values and traditions that sit squarely outside ‘law’s majesty’. Indeed, the court itself speaks not of ‘Métis identity’ but more narrowly of the constitutional protection for selected practices.

v. Supreme Court of Canada, 2003, file no. 28533, para. 11.

See, for example, C. Denis, We Are Not You: First Nations and Canadian Broadview, Peterborough, 1997.

W. Wicken, Mi’kmaq Treaties on Trial: History, Land and Donald Marshall University of Toronto, Toronto, 2002; W. Wicken, ‘Encounters with Tall Sails and Tall Tales: Mi’kmaq Society from 1500–1760’, PhD thesis, McGill University, 1994.

See O. Dickason, Canada’s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest McClelland & Stewart Inc., Toronto, 1992, pp. 106–7.

W. Wicken, ‘Mi’kmaq Decisions: Antoine Tecouenemac, the Conquest and the Treaty of Utrecht’, in J. Reid et al. (eds), The ‘Conquest’ of Acadia: Imperial, Colonial and Aboriginal University of Toronto, Toronto, 2004, p. 93.

The Treaty of Utrecht involved France’s formal succession of ‘its’ colonies (including the Maritimes) to Britain (see Dickason, passim; T. Isaac, Aboriginal and Treaty Rights in the Maritimes: The Marshall Decision and Purich Ltd, Saskatoon, 2001; Wicken, Mi’kmaq Treaties on passim; Reid et al. (eds), The ‘Conquest’ of Acadia: Imperial, Colonial and Aboriginal University of Toronto, Toronto, 2004, for an overview of this era).

Wicken, ‘Mi’kmac Decisions’, p. 95.

O. Dickason, ‘Amerindians Between French and English in Nova Scotia, 1713–1763’, in J.R. Miller (ed), Sweet Promises: A Reader on Indian–White Relations in University of Toronto, Toronto, 1991, pp. 45–6.

The so-called era of ‘protection’ was most prominent in the eighteenth century and culminated in the British government’s Royal Proclamation of 1763. Tobias notes that this document set out various policies around trade and land encroachment and alienation and, he argues, formed the basis of Britain’s Indian policy for the next fifty years. John Tobias, ‘Protection, Civilization, Assimilation: An Outline History of Canada’s Indian Policy’, in A.L. Getty and A. Lussier (eds), As Long as the Sun Shines and Water Flows: A Reader in Canadian Native University of British Columbia (UBC), Vancouver, 1983.

Tobias, pp. 43–4.

J. Milloy, ‘The Early Indian Acts: Development Strategy and Constitutional Change’, in J.R. Miller (ed.), Sweet Promises: A Reader on Indian–White Relations in University of Toronto, Toronto, 1983, p. 57.

Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples Report, vol. 1, Stage Three: Displacement and Assimilation, Ottawa, 1996. Online. Available: p. 6 of 74 (accessed 8 March 2007).

Tobias, passim.

Enfranchisement removed the status of those designated as Indians (and any accompanying rights and privileges) and, rhetorically at least, made them ‘Canadians as all other Canadians’.

B. Lawrence, ‘Real’ Indians and Others: Mixed-Blood Urban Native Peoples and Indigenous UBC, Vancouver, 2004, p. 31.

See K. Jamieson, Indian Women and the Law: Citizen Minus, Minister of Supply and Services Canada for Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women and Equal Rights for Indian Ottawa, 1978; M.E. Turpel, ‘Patriarchy and Paternalism: The Legacy of the Canadian State for First Nations Women’, Canadian Journal of Women and the vol. 6 (1993), pp. 174–92.

J. Borrows and L. Rotman, Aboriginal Legal Issues: Cases, Materials & 2nd edition, Butterworths, Vancouver, 2003, p. 597.

Lawrence, passim.

Bill C-31 constitutes the attempt by the Canadian state to formally rectify the patriarchal Indian Act of 1876. Status Indian women endured numerous forms of discrimination under this legislation, not the least of which was their removal from their reserve communities as their status was removed. See Borrows and Rotman, chapter for an extended legal discussion of the issues surrounding the eventual creation of Bill C-31 as well as its subsequent effects on First Nations communities. One of the bittersweet elements of Bill C-31 was to recognise the right for status Indian communities (i.e., Indian ‘bands’) to control their own membership.

Turpel, p. 181.

See generally J. Green, ‘Constitutionalizing the Patriarchy: Aboriginal women and Aboriginal Government’, in R. Laliberte et al. (eds), Expressions in Canadian Native University of Saskatchewan, University Extension, Saskatoon, 1993, pp. 328–54; Jamieson, passim; J. Silman (ed), Enough is Enough: Aboriginal Women Speak The Women’s Press, Toronto, 1987.

See, for example, J. Peterson, ‘Many Roads to Red River: Métis Genesis in the Great Lakes Region, 1680–1815’, in J. Peterson and J. Brown (eds), The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, 1985; J. Peterson, ‘Prelude to Red River: A Social Portrait of the Great Lakes Métis’, vol. 25, no. 1 (1978), pp. 41–67; A. Ray, ‘An Economic History of the Robinson Treaties Area Before 1860’, Expert Report, v. 17 March 1998.

See F. Tough, Their Natural Resources Fail’: Native Peoples and the Economic History of Northern Manitoba, UBC, Vancouver, 1996.

N. St-Onge, ‘Uncertain Margins: Métis and Saulteaux Indians in St-Paul de Saulteaux, Red River 1821–1870’, Manitoba vol. 53 (October 2006), p. 1.

The ‘official voice’ of the Métis Nation and the organisation with which most government agencies interact in their official relations with Métis.

J. Peterson and J. Brown, ‘Introduction’, in J. Peterson and J. Brown (eds), The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, 1985.

P. Bourdieu and L. Wacquant, An Invitation to a Reflexive University of Chicago, Chicago, 1992, p. 168.

P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic trans. by G. Raymond and M. Adamson, Harvard University, Cambridge, 1991, p. 164.

Categorisation as a 6(1) or a 6(2) is based on whether both or just one of the parents were eligible to receive (or possess) ‘Indian status’ under the Indian Act. Section 6(1) means both parents are eligible; 6(2) means just one parent is eligible. The mathematics goes something like this: 6(1) + 6(1) (parents) = 6(1) (child); 6(1) + 6(2) = 6(1) (child); 6(2) + 6(2) = 6(1) (child); 6(1) + non-status = 6(2) (child); 6(2) + non-status = non-status (child). Thus, generally speaking, a status Indian marrying a non-status Indian over two subsequent generations leads to the loss of status for a second-generation child.

See E. Dickson-Gilmore, ‘Iati-Onkwehonwe: Blood Quantum, Membership and the Politics of Exclusion in Kahnawake’, Citizenship vol 3, no. 1 (1997), pp. 27–44. ‘As the Kahnawake situation brings into stark relief, often what is at stake [in these debates] is tribal membership, along with the treaty rights and benefits, such as health care or shares of the proceeds of tribal enterprises, that come along with membership … At a deeper and more significant level, however, the debate is about who is an Indian from the point of view of Indian people.’ J. Hamill, ‘Show me your CDIB: Blood Quantum and Indian Identity among Indian People of Oklahoma’, American Behaviorial vol. 47, no. 3 (2003), pp. 267–82. Interestingly, Kahnawake has been excoriated for their imposition of a blood quantum rule (an imposition that has more recently been attenuated) despite the fact that ‘status’ and its conferral under 6(1) and 6(2) operates according to exactly the same logic yet receives little of the vitriol they endure. Moreover, in his legal factum presented before the Powley court, the Attorney General Representative for Saskatchewan, M. McAdam, notes that forty-six of the more than 600 Indian bands in Canada possess a blood quantum stipulation in their membership code (see Attorney General for Saskatchewan Factum, v. Supreme Court of Canada, 2002, file no. 28533).

Statistics Canada, Aboriginal Peoples in Canada in 2006: Inuit, Métis and First Nations, 2006 Ottawa, Minister of Industry, 2008.

See A. Siggner, ‘Impact of “Ethnic Mobility” on Socio-economic Conditions of Aboriginal Peoples’, Canadian Studies in vol. 30, no. 1, pp. 137–58. A. Siggner and R. Costa, Aboriginal Conditions in Census Metropolitan 1981–2001, Statistics Canada, Ottawa, 2005.

C. Jaenen, The French Relationship with the Native Peoples of New France and Indian and Northern Affairs, Canada, 1984, p. 72.

O. Dickason, ‘From “One Nation” in the Northeast to “New Nation” in the Northwest: A Look at the Emergence of the Métis’, in J. Peterson and J. Brown (eds), The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, 1985, p. 19.

Dickason, Canada’s First pp. 167–70.

Jaenen, p. 73.

No websites or academic writings about New Brunswick Métis were available at the time of this writing.

‘Métis Culture in Nova Scotia’ – emphasis added. Online. Available: (accessed 8 March 2007).

Jaenan, passim; Dickason, ‘From “One Nation”’, passim; Dickason, Canada’s First passim.

See Reid et al., passim and N. Griffiths, From Migrant to Acadian: A North American Border People, McGill-Queen’s University, Montreal/Kingston, 2005 for a discussion of the birth, rise and disbandment of Acadia.

Dickason, Canada’s First p. 170.

R. Francis et al., Origins: Canadian History to Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada Ltd, Toronto, 1988, p. 128.

Griffiths, p. xv.

Ironically, the Acadian associations do not emphasise their Indigenous ancestry: ‘Yvon Samson, chairman of the Conseil Scolaire Acadien Provincial, said some Acadians have established Mi´kmaq ancestry, but it’s a minority … “There are some. They do exist, whether you call them Métis or anything else,” he said’. ‘Announcements: Confederacy of Nova Scotia Métis’. Online. Available: (accessed 8 March 2007).

‘Métis claims in Maritimes leap by thousands’. Online. Available: (accessed 8 March 2007).

‘Métis Culture in Nova Scotia’. Online. Available: (accessed 8 March 2007).

‘Who We Are’. Online. Available: (accessed 8 March 2007).

‘Application Information’. Online. Available: (accessed 8 March 2007).

P. Bourdieu, ‘The Force of Law: Toward a Sociology of the Juridical Field’, Hastings Law 38 (July 1987), p. 838.

Bourdieu, p. 844.

M. McCann, ‘How the Supreme Court Matters in American Politics: New Institutionalist Perspectives’, in H. Gillman and C. Clayton (eds), The Supreme Court In American Politics: New Institutionalist University Press of Kansas, Kansas, 1999, p. 80.

v. 2003, para. 10.

v. para. 11 – emphasis added.

Halifax Daily 17 July 2004, p. 3.

P. Bourdieu, The Logic of trans. by R. Nice, Stanford University, Stanford, 1980, pp. 112–21.

Métis National Council Factum, v. Supreme Court of Canada, 2003, file no. 28533.

Chapter 2: ‘My Poetry is a Fire’

Ngā mihi ki ngā kaimahi me ngā Thanks as always to the people who have supported me in my thinking about this topic: especially AnnaMarie Christiansen and Hokulani Aikau in Hawai‘i. Special thanks to the editors and anonymous reviewer for your support and feedback. Massive acknowledgement to Robert and Vernice for your fabulous poetry, kind support and great

R. Sullivan, Voice Carried My Auckland University, Auckland, 2005, p. 58.

Sullivan, p. 60. I have reflected on this poem in depth elsewhere but re-engage it here in order to derive a metaphor for the effect of this Māori writing from Hawai‘i. See A. Te Punga Somerville, ‘If I Close my Mouth I will Die: Writing, Resisting, Centring’, in M. Bargh, Resistance: An Indigenous Response to Huia, Wellington, 2007, pp. 85–111.

Sullivan, p. 36.

I say this with acknowledgement, of course, that some Māori people claim that their ancestors are from earlier migrations/‘pre-migrations’.

Lapita is a type of pottery that archaeologists have identified as having a unique style that is traceable through the islands of the Pacific. The various innovations and styles in Lapita are examined in order to provide some sense of the direction and timing of early Pacific migrations.

Sullivan, p. 36.

V. Wineera Pere, Institute for Pacific Studies, Laie, Brigham Young University, Hawai‘i, 1978.

E. Patuawa-Nathan, Opening Doors: A Collection of Mana Publications, Suva, 1979.

W. Ihimaera, The Whale Heinemann, Auckland, 1987.

H. Tuwhare, Sapwood and Caveman, Dunedin, 1972.

A. Taylor’s 1986 short story ‘Pa Mai’ uses the recognition of linguistic similarities between Māori and Sāmoan as an entry point for a conversation between two men drinking at a bar (one of whom is Māori and one Sāmoan) about cultural parallels that come from genealogical relationship. A. Taylor, He Rau Aroha = A Hundred Leaves of Penguin, Auckland, 1986.

In C. Dunsford’s Manawa Toa = Heart Cowrie, a Māori/Hawaiian/Pākehā woman completes her previous travels of the first two novels of the trilogy (to Hawai‘i and Berkeley respectively) by protesting French nuclear testing at Moruroa and French colonisation in Tahiti. C. Dunsford, Manawa Toa = Heart Spinifex, North Melbourne, 2000.

Also, an extension of these intersections between Māori and Hawaiian people which should surely at some point gain the attention of those of us who work at these cusps of the ‘Indigenous’ and the ‘Pacific’. We need one day to look at prejudice: when will we be ready to start to honestly and carefully critique the issue of prejudice on the part of some discourse located in the Māori and Hawaiian communities towards migrants from around the Pacific and the role this has in mediating our identification as Pacific peoples?

H. Tuwhare, No Ordinary Blackwood and Janet Paul, Auckland, 1964.

R. Kohere, The Autobiography of a A.H. & A.W. Reed, Wellington, 1951.

W. Ihimaera, Pounamu Heinemann, Auckland, 1972.

P. Grace, Longman Paul, Auckland, 1975.

In the 1990s at the University of Auckland I received the best possible training in Māori literature in English that one could get in this country up to Masters level, and it was not until I was finishing up my PhD that I bumped into Vernice’s book on the open stack shelves in a library in Hawai‘i for the first time!

Indeed, several writers who do not live in New Zealand or do not hold New Zealand citizenship are celebrated as ‘New Zealand’ writers more than Wineera: eg Sia Figiel and Paula Morris.

This collection was published with the name Vernice Wineera Pere, although the poet now uses the name Vernice Wineera. When referring to this specific collection, I will use the publication name and when I refer to later poetry or make more general statements about the poet I will use ‘Wineera’.

The preface is written by R.D. Craig, Publications Editor, Institute for Polynesian Studies (this was later renamed ‘Pacific Studies’), Brigham Young University, Hawai‘i. For an exploration of the relationship between Polynesianness and the Mormon church, look for Hokulani Aikau’s work.

‘Introduction’ in V. Wineera Pere, Mahanga: Pacific Brigham Young University, Hawai‘i, 1978.

Pere, p. 31.

E. Hau‘ofa, ‘Our Sea of Islands’, A New Oceania: Rediscovering our Sea of USP/SEED, Suva, 1993, pp. 2–16.

D. Walcott, ‘The Sea is History’, The Star-apple Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 1979.

Pere, p. 31.

A more explicitly Māori position is asserted in Wineera’s poem ‘Heritage’, in which the poet explores various ‘markers’ of being Māori and – significantly, for this chapter – this exploration, that focuses the very individualised and personal carving of the face, takes her not to a specific ‘home’ geographic location of Aotearoa (as one might expect from a Māori writer based in Aotearoa), but instead to a ‘vast ‘the Pacific/we call home’. My own copy of this poem is stained, torn and faded after literally years of being stuck to the fridge doors of my various homes. I look forward to working with this text in more depth in a separate project. Wineera has written more writing since the publication of she gave me copies of several poems set in Aotearoa, Hawai‘i and Israel for inclusion in an anthology project on which I am working. The planned anthology (which I am co-editing with AnnaMarie Christiansen) will collect writing by Māori outside Aotearoa. These later poems by Wineera will provide scope for much further critical discussion.

Pere, p. 18.

I am working on a longer version of this comparison elsewhere.

Pere, p. 28.

Pere, p. 26.

R. Sullivan, ‘A Cover Sail’, Star Auckland University, Auckland, 1999, back cover.

R. Sullivan, Captain Cook in the Auckland University, Auckland, 2002.

Sullivan, p. 99.

I gained this insight after talking with Robert about his collection. R. Sullivan, pers comm., 2004.

I am more carefully exploring this distinction between ‘Indigenous’ and ‘Migrant’ identifications in my forthcoming book, Once Were

Sullivan, p. 3.

Sullivan, p. 36.

Sullivan, p. 79.

Sullivan, pp. 110–1.

Sullivan, pp. 3–4.

The man remembered by the English as Omai, the first Pacific person to go to London in 1774, was known as Mai at home. Now we have records of two men: ‘Mai’ is the man as he was known in the Pacific and ‘Omai’ is the man who has been captured in the European written record. Omai was understood to be the manifestation of the mythical Rousseau-imagined Noble Savage and enjoyed immense popularity in London whilst there and as a figure of the English imaginary for years after he left.

Sullivan, Voice Carried My p. 26.

Sullivan, ‘Queen Charlotte Sound’, p. 29.

Sullivan, ‘Tupaia’, p. 27.

Sullivan, ‘Mai’, p. 28.

Sullivan, ‘Queen Charlotte Sound’, p. 29.

Sullivan, ‘Pearl Harbour’, p. 40.

Pere, ‘A Taste of Learning’, p. 39.

Chapter 3: Culture: Compromise or Perish!

D. Awatere, Māori Broadsheet Magazine, Auckland, 1984, p. 28.

H. Kawharu, Conflict and Reed, Auckland, 2003, p. 2.

A. Beaglehole, ‘Languages Other than English, Māori and Pacific Island’, Book & Print in New Zealand: A Guide to Print Culture in Victoria University, Wellington, 1997. New Zealand Electronic Text Centre (NZETC). Online. Available: (accessed 9 October 2008).

Awatere, p. 26.

‘While transformation might be said to describe the kind of change all human cultures experience, compromise appears to carry a negative weight, as if there might be some transformations that are positive or neutral in their cultural effects, while there are others which are not and that the latter can be called compromise’ (Reilly, pers comm. with the writer, 2008).

H. Williams, A Dictionary of the Maori 7th ed., Government Printer, Wellington, 1971, p. 416.

Wikipedia, ‘Cultural Identity’. Online. Available: (accessed 15 May 2008).

Ministry of Social Development, ‘Social Report 2003: Cultural Identity’. Online. Available: (accessed 15 May 2008).

‘Mana’ equates to self-esteem, pride, high regard and social standing, power, authority and influence.

C. Barlow, Tikanga Oxford University, Auckland, 1991, p. 165.

Kawharu, p. 5.

P. Hohepa, A Maori Community in A.H & A.W Reed, Wellington, 1964, p. 101, describes marae in the following: ‘In front of each meeting hall, in no way visibly distinct, there is a grassed space. This is the marae, the courtyard of the speakers, the sacred zone whereon only males can deliver speeches and orations of welcome, farewell, pleasure and anger, of fact and fiction’. Also see H.M. Mead, Tikanga Māori: Living by Māori Huia, Wellington, 2003, pp. 109–16 for Polynesian comparisons of

K. Mataira, Pukapuka Pānui [Course Reader for Te Kura Puaotanga. Kōwae Ako 6: karanga/whaikōrero], Te Ataarangi, Kuratini o Waikato, Kirikiriroa, 1995.

R. Ward, Life Among the Maories of G. Lamb, London, 1872, p. 91.

R.T. Mahuta, ‘Whaikōrero’, MA thesis, University of Auckland, 1974, p. 165.

R. Walker, Whakatōhea, Ahorangi (Professor)/Kaumātua, Interview with the writer, 1998.

A. Salmond, Hui: A Study of Maori Ceremonial 2nd ed., Reed, Auckland, 1994, p. 167.

T. Reedy, Ngāti Porou, Ahorangi/Kaumātua, Interview with the writer, 1996.

H. Yoon, Maori Mind, Maori Land: Essays on the Cultural Geography of the Maori People from an Outsider’s P. Lang, Berne, 1986, p. 45.

Salmond, p. 127.

Te Patu Hohepa, Ngā Puhi, Ahorangi/Kaumātua, Interview with the writer, 1998.

Tauroa, pp. 21, 79.

A. Mikaere, ‘Maori Women: Caught in the Contradictions of a Colonised Reality’. Online. Available: (accessed 28 October 2004).

Tauroa, p. 78.

John Rangihau, at Te Waimako in 1978, said ‘kāre e tika te wahine ki te kōrero i te mea, koia te kōpū tuku mai i ngā rangatira ki waho … Koirā kāre e whakaaetia ki te kōrero.’ Cassette recording in the writer’s possession, 1978.

R. Higgins and J.C. Moorfield, ‘Ngā tikanga o te marae: Marae practices’, in T.M. Ka‘ai et al. (eds.), Ki te Whaiao: An Introduction to Māori Culture and Pearson Education, Auckland, 2004, p. 80.

S. Karetu, ‘Kawa in Crisis’, in M. King (ed), Tihe Mauri Ora: Aspects of Methuen Publications, Wellington, 1978, p. 71; T. Pouwhare, Ngāi Tūhoe, Kaumātua. Informal conversation with the writer, 1996; and Te Hue Rangi, Ngāi Tūhoe, Pūkenga, Interview with the writer, 2003.

J. Tahuri, Ngāi Tūhoe, Kaumātua, pers comm. with the writer, 1996.

E. Best, Notes on the Art of Reed Books, Auckland, 2001, pp. 68–9.

M. Reilly, pers comm. with the writer, 2008.

An example of full loss could, for example, be a decision against modifying a cultural practice in its pure form, however minute. This would see the end of that practice.

These major tribes are located in the Bay of Plenty, North Island, New Zealand.

R. Moran et al., Managing Cultural Differences: Global Leadership Strategies for the 21st 7th ed., Elsevier/Butterworth-Heinemann, Amsterdam/Boston, 2007.

Salmond, p. 112.

Māori-language resource document from 501 file. n.a. Te Pua Wānanga ki te Ao [copy in writer’s possession].

T. Reedy, ‘Evaluation Speech’, World Indigenous Peoples’ Conference, Turangawaewae Marae, Ngaruawahia, 1990.

Te Wharehuia Milroy, Ngāi Tūhoe, Ahorangi/Kaumātua, Interview with the writer, 1997.

Salmond, pp. 128–9.

‘Statement of Sir Kingi Ihaka, Maori Language Commissioner …’, Report of the Waitangi Tribunal on the Allocation of Radio Frequency Claim, wai 150, doc. A40, GP Publications, Wellington, 1990, p. 3.

‘… ka kangakanga ia i Te Reo Pākehā ki ngā minita. Ka tū atu te rangatira o te marae ki te whakanoho i a ia – ‘kāre e tika ana wērā kōrero, kei te mōhio koe ki tō tāua tikanga ka tū ana tāua, me kōrero Māori tonu. Kua hē katoa i a koe tō tāua kawa o te marae nei [i]tō kōrero Pākehātanga, me ō kōrero hahani i ngā minita. Kāre e pai ana tērā,’ Kāre tonu [taua kaikōrero] i whakarongo mai ki te rangatira, kāre tonu i noho. Ka haere atu tētahi tangata i runga i te pae, e kōrero tonu ana te tangata, ka mekea atu, kurua atu. Ka hinga ki te papa. Mehemea ka takahia te kawa i roto i ngā whaikōrero, koirā’. (Te Hiko Hohepa, Te Arawa, Kaumātua, Interview with the writer, 1997).

In short, the Treaty of Waitangi is ‘an agreement in which Māori gave the Crown rights to govern and to develop British settlement, while the Crown guaranteed Māori full protection of their interests and status and full citizenship rights’. Treaty of Waitangi, Online. Available: (accessed 2008).

One of the bastions of cultural conservatism in the alien environment of the city is the the mortuary customs for farewelling the dead. The most appropriate place to conduct the rituals of the tangi is the the other bastion and focal point of the culture. Although there were tribal marae engulfed by urban sprawl in Auckland and Wellington, the first wave of pre-war migrants felt they needed a hall or marae of their own. (A. Saunders, A History of New vol. 2, Whitcombe & Tombs, Christchurch, 1896, p. 255.) In any case as the number of urban Māori increased exponentially, tangata whenua marae were unable to cope with the need. In the meantime, the normal life-crisis of birth, death and marriage had to be met with what was at hand, the family dwelling. The head of a whānau responded to death by turning the suburban state house into a ‘mini-marae’. (R. Walker, Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou: Struggle Without Penguin, Auckland, 1990, p. 200.)

M. Dominy, ‘Maori Sovereignty: A Feminist Invention of Tradition’, in J. Linnekin and L. Poyer (eds), Cultural Identity and Ethnicity in the University of Hawai‘i, Honolulu, 1996, p. 237.

T.J. Keelan, ‘E Tipu e Rea: An Indigenous Theoretical Framework for Youth Development’, Development vol. 56 (October 2001), pp. 62–65.

Awatere, pp. 29–32.

Beaglehole, n.p.

Dominy, p. 238.

The term is a generic Māori word for a potato.

J. Linnekin and L. Poyer, Cultural Identity and Ethnicity in the University of Hawai‘i, Honolulu, 1996, p. 13.

Chapter 4: piko ka-sôhki-nitohtaman ka-nisitohtaman Must Listen Very Hard to Understand the Cree Language

Thank you to Dr. Isabel Altamirano-Jiménez, Dr. Chris Andersen, Dr. Nathalie Kermoal, Shalene Jobin-Vandervelde, Dorothy Thunder, Daniel Johnson, Val Napoleon and the anonymous external reviewer for comments on earlier drafts of this chapter. Thanks very much to Dr. Ellen Bielawski and Tracy Bear-Coon for our many conversations on the significance of language to how we make meaning of experience. I tip my hat to Nuno Luzio for technical assistance. I acknowledge, as well, Emily Hunter et al. for their very practical texts, Introductory Cree: Part 1 and Plains Cree Grammar Guide and published by the School of Native Studies, University of Alberta, 1991 and 2001 respectively. Arok Wolvengrey et al. also deserve my deepest thanks for their work on the Cree language in the province of Saskatchewan and for their very valuable texts, nêhiyawêwin: itwêwina Cree: Words, Volume 1 and nêhiyawêwin: itwêwina Cree: Words, Volume published by the Canadian Plains Research Center and the University of Regina, 2001.

K.D. Harrison, When Languages Die: The Extinction of the World’s Languages and the Erosion of Human Oxford University, Oxford, 2007, p. 11.

I use the term ‘Indian’ with caution, because of its place in the historical literature of the Indian Act, because some Indigenous Canadians prefer it over ‘Native’ or ‘Aboriginal’ and because others find it offensive. In this chapter I will use the words ‘Indigenous’ and ‘Aboriginal’ synonymously in the sense that they are used in cultural recovery language to connote peoples (and their descendants) who lived (and live) in a place before interlopers or colonisers arrived. ‘Native’ seems too vague a word and where I can I will use more tribally specific terms such as Cree, Ojibwa, Métis, etc.

J. Fishman, ‘What Do You Lose When You Lose Your Language’, in G. Cantoni (ed.), Stabilizing Indigenous ed. G. Cantoni, Center for Excellence in Education, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, 1996, p. 2.

Fishman, p. 3.

D. Welchman Gegeo and K.A. Watson-Gegeo, ‘Adult Education, Language Change and Issues of Identity and Authenticity in Kwara’ae (Solomon Islands)’, Anthropology & Education vol. 30, no. (1999), p. 25.

Fishman, p. 4.

S. Ortiz, ‘Speaking–Writing: Indigenous Literary Sovereignty’, in J. Weaver et al. (eds), American Indian Literary University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, 2006, pp. xi–xii.

M. Abley, ‘All-Night Walker Sonata (Endangered Languages)’, World Literature vol. 81, no. 5 (Sept./Oct. 2007), p. 18.

Department of Canadian Heritage, Towards a New Beginning: A Foundational Report For A Strategy To Revitalize First Nation, Inuit and Métis Languages and Aboriginal Languages Directorate, Aboriginal Affairs Branch, Ottawa, 2005, p. 3.

M.J. Norris, ‘Aboriginal Languages in Canada: Trends and Perspectives on Maintenance and Revitalization’, in J.P. White et al (eds), Aboriginal Policy Research: Moving Forward, Making a vol. 3, Thompson Educational, Inc., Toronto, 2006, p. 224.

Norris, p. 198.

Norris, p. 224.

J.L. Tobias, ‘Protection, Civilization, Assimilation: An Outline History of Canada’s Indian Policy’, in I.A.L. Getty and A.S. Lussier (eds), As Long As the Sun Shines and Water Flows: A Reader in Canadian Native UBC, Vancouver, 1983, p. 39.

J. Fiske and E. George, ‘Bill C-31: A Study of Cultural Trauma’, in J.P. White et al. (eds), Aboriginal Policy Research: Moving Forward, Making a vol. 5, Thompson Educational, Inc., Toronto, 2007, p. 61.

J.R. Miller, Vision: A History of Native Residential University of Toronto, Toronto, 1996, p. 184.

Miller, p. 39.

J.S. Milloy, A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School System 1879 to University of Manitoba, Winnepeg, 1999, p. xv.

Milloy, p. 38.

Miller, p. 204.

Quoted in J. Fear-Segal, White Man’s Club: Schools, Race and the Struggle of Indian University of Nebraska, Lincoln, 2007, p. 91.

Harrison, p. 5.

D. Nettle and S. Romaine, Vanishing Voices: The Extinction of the World’s Oxford University, Oxford, 2000, pp. 90–1.

S.N. Greymorning, ‘The 4th Giving the Gift of Language: A Symposium and Workshop on Second Language Instruction and Acquisition’, Native American Studies Department, University of Manitoba, Missoula, Montana, 17 April 2008.

L. Wong, ‘Authenticity and the Revitalization of Hawaiian’, Anthropology and Education Quarterly: Journal of the Council on Anthropology and vol. 30, no. 1 (1999), p. 95.

J. Thorburn, ‘Self-perceptions, Generational Differences, Prestige and Language Loss in the Innu Community of Sheshatshiu’, Papers of the Thirty-seventh Algonquian University of Manitoba, Winnepeg, 2006, p. 346.

Chapter 5: Resisting Language Death: A Personal Exploration

T.P. Kōkiri, Report on the Health of the Māori Language: Kāi Te Puni Kōkiri, Wellington, 2002, p. 18.

K.D. Harrison, When Languages Die The Extinction of the World’s Languages and the Erosion of Human Oxford University, New York, 2007, p. 7.

Harrison, pp. 3–5.

E. Bialystok, Bilingualism in Development Language, Literacy, & Cambridge University, New York, 2001, p. 18.

Bialystok, p. 16.

S. Dopke, One Parent One Language An Interactional John Benjamins Company, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 1992, p. 1.

Bialystok, p. 3.

C. Baker, A Parents’ and Teachers’ Guide to Multilingual Matters, Clevedon, 2004, p. 63­5.

Baker, p. 18.

Baker, p. 86.

Harrison, p. 159.

Chapter 6: Towards a Model for Indigenous Research

Most of the examples used will be from Ngāi Tahu, the Indigenous people of the South Island of New Zealand, as that is my area of expertise.

G.A. Selwyn, ‘Journal’, 10 January 1844, Hocken Archives ARC-0411.

H.K. Taiaroa, ‘Mahika kai lists’, 1879 and 1880, Macmillan Brown Ms. 140, Hii/19, various folders.

A. Leopold, A Sand County Oxford University, New York, 1987, p. 174.

In this chapter, ‘traditional’ is used to mean reference to pre-contact events. The chapter began as an oral discourse and retains much of the Māori oral style.

The word ‘Indigenous’ has been given an initial capital, consistent with the convention adopted by many original peoples. It is a statement of identification in the same way that names of races, nationalities, tribes, religions and geographic collectivities generally are afforded capitals.

C. Royal, Te Bridget Williams Books, Wellington, 1992; E. Stokes, ‘Maori Research and Development: A Discussion Paper’, New Zealand Research Council, Wellington, 1985; J. Tucker, Maori Claims: How to Research and Write a Waitangi Tribunal Division, Department of Justice, Wellington, 1994; R.T.M. Tau, Ngā Pikitūroa o Ngāi Tahu: The Oral Traditions of Ngāi Otago University, Dunedin, 2003; R. Walker, Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou: Struggle Without Penguin, Auckland, 1990.

Cook Strait, which separates the North and South Islands of New Zealand.

S.P. Smith, ‘The Lore of the Whare Wananga’, Journal of the Polynesian Society vol. 22 (1913), p. 127.

A.H. Carrington, ‘History of Ngai Tahu’, 1934, typescript, p. 10, Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington.

Smith, p. 127; Carrington, p. 10.

S. Cormack, ‘Some Comments on South Island Maori History’, Te vol. 6, no.1 (1990), p. 5.

H.C. Evison, ‘Kaiapohia, The Story of a Name’, Te vol. 6, no. 2 (1990), pp. 3–9.

Evison, p. 3. The early nineteenth-century invasion by Ngāti Toa, though ultimately repelled, remains a sore point with Ngāi Tahu and anything associated with it has negative connotations, much as any reference to Hitler is automatically seen negatively.

I. Barber, ‘Constructions of Change: A History of Early Maori Culture Sequences’, vol. 104 (1995), p. 357. See also B. Fankhauser, ‘Archeometric Studies of Cordyline based on ethnobotanical and archaeological research’, PhD thesis, University of Otago, 1986.

Barber, p. 384.

B.F. Leach, ‘The Ngai-Tahu Migration: The ‘Norman Conquest’ of the South Island’, New Zealand Archaeological Association vol. 21 no. 1 (March 1978), p. 13.

A. Anderson, All the Moa Ovens Grew Otago Heritage Books, Dunedin, 1983.

Anderson, pp. 41, 52.

Anderson, p. 38.

For example, Anderson 1996: ‘Wakawaka and Mahinga Kai: models of traditional land management in southern New Zealand’, in Davidson, J.M., Irwin, G., Leach, B.F., Pawley, A. and Brown, D. (eds) Oceanic Culture History: Essays in Honour of Roger NZJA Special Publication: 631–640.

J.W. Stack, Kaiapohia: The Story of a Whitcombe & Tombs, Christchurch, 1893.

J. Reuben and J. Leech, ‘Foreword’, in J.W. Stack, Kaiapohia: The Story of a reprint ed., William Bros, Rangiora, 1990. Originally published 1893.

G. Leslie Adkin, Horowhenua: Its Maori Place-names and their Topographic and Historical Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington, 1948.

See whakapapa table 1, J.H. Beattie, ‘Moriori’, Otago Daily Dunedin, 1941, p. 64.

J.W. Stack, South Island Maoris: A Sketch of Their History and Legendary Whitcombe and Tombs, Christchurch, 1898, p. 108.

T. O’Regan, ‘A Kai Tahu History’, Te vol. 6, no. 1 (1990), p. 7.

J.W. Stack, ‘Sketch of the Traditional History of the South Island Maoris’, Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand vol. 10 (1877), pp. 92–3.

J. White, The Ancient History of the vol. III, Government Printer, Wellington, 1887, p. 265.

H.C. Jacobson, Tales of Banks Akaroa ‘Mail’ Office, Akaroa, 1917, p. 19, in chapter which we are told is ‘Contributed by Rev. J.W. Stack’.

K.R. Urry, ‘Te Hakari: Feasting in Maori Society and its Archaeological Implications’, MA thesis, University of Auckland, 1993, p. 11.

E. Shortland, Southern Districts of New Longman, London, 1851.

See, for example, J.H. Beattie, ‘Our Southernmost Maoris’, Otago Daily Dunedin, 1954, pp. 11–12, where he lists a number of misconceptions that he had to revise over the years.

Beattie, p. 7.

Beattie, Our Southernmost p. 82.

Beattie, Our Southernmost p. 83.

Shortland, p. 232.

T.T. Tikao, Tikao A.H. & A.W. Reed, Wellington, 1939, p. 58.

P. Freire, ‘Research Methods’, Literary Discussion (Spring 1974), p. 134.

T.L. Buick, An Old New Whitcombe & Tombs, Wellington, 1911, p. 193.

P. Burns, Te Rauparaha: A New Reed, Wellington, 1980, p. 189.

Ever since this event, Ngāti Toa have been ‘Kāti-kai-wai-tai’ (the tribe that eats sea water) to Ngāi Tahu dialogue over many years). (Stack, p. 88.).

Buick, pp. 191–2.

Burns, p. 190.

Te Wanikau Tapiha, ‘The History of Ngai Tahu (Ngati Kuri Clan)’, nd, p. 21, in I.A.D. Macdonald papers, Canterbury Museum Archives.

Carrington, p. 1.

Carrington, p. 40.

Carrington, p. 60, n. 7.

Te Wanikau Tapiha, p. 18.

B. Biggs, ‘The Translation and Publishing of Maori Material in the Auckland Public Library’, vol. 61 (1952), p. 181.

Te Wanikau, p. 18.

As explained by the recorder, Tame Green, in parenthesis. Te Wanikau, p. 19.

Tikao, p. 117.

H.W. Williams, A Dictionary of the Maori Government Printer, Wellington, 1988, p. 78.

Carrington p. 60, n. 6.

M. Roberts et al., ‘Whakapapa as a Mental Construct’, The Contemporary vol. 16, no. 1 (Spring 2004), p. 1.

Royal, pp. 28–30.

Royal, p. 30.

Royal, p. 78.

R. Broughton, The Origins of Ngaa Rauru Dept. of Maori Affairs, Wellington, 1979, p. 31.

Tahmatua [sic] and his group went to avenge the deaths of his younger brothers, Tamaraeroa and Huirapa (see A.T. Ngata and P. Te Hurinui, Nga vol. 4, Polynesian Society, Wellington, 1988–90, pp. 80–1).

Broughton, pp. 30–1.

Broughton, p. 31.

J. McEwen, ‘Migrations to and Settlement of the Wellington Area’, Lecture 1 notes, Victoria University Wellington, 1971, p. 10.

B. Biggs, ‘Oral Literature of Polynesia’, Te Ao no. 49 (November 1964), p. 42.

McEwen, p. 9.

Leopold, p. 127.

M. Orbell, ‘A South Island Waiata Tangi’, Te vol. 4, no. 1 (1988), p. 6.

Orbell, p. 7.

Te Mahana Walsh, Taua, Puketeraki, in conversation with the writer, 1994.

Orbell, p. 5.

B. Dacker, Te Mamae me te Aroha: The Pain and the University of Otago Press, Dunedin, 1994.

Broughton, p. 2.

Chapter 7: Rediscovering the Hidden Heritage from Ancient Mangaia

S.M. Mead, Landmarks, Bridges and Visions: Aspects of Maori Victoria University, Wellington, 1997, pp. 26, 34.

W.W. Gill, Life in the Southern Isles; or, Scenes and Incidents in the South Pacific and New The Religious Tract Society, London, 1876, pp. 353–5. I have adopted Mamae’s spelling of the brothers’ names as Kōtū and Kōā in preference to Gill’s spelling. The second name might also be spelt as either Ko‘a (as nineteenth-century macrons sometimes indicated glottal stops) or Kō‘ā.

M.P.J. Reilly, War and Succession in Mangaia from Mamae’s Memoir no. 52, The Polynesian Society, Auckland, 2003, pp. 45–53. I should emphasise that the estimated date is a very approximate one based on genealogical and traditional information.

W.W. Gill, From Darkness to Light in reprint ed., Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, Suva, 1984, p. 309. Originally published London, 1894.

Gill, Life in the Southern p. 353 fn. 1.

W.W. Gill, Myths and Songs from the South reprint ed., University Press of the Pacific, Honolulu, 2004, p. 301. Originally published London, 1876.

Gill, Life in the Southern p. 353.

Gill, Life in the Southern p. 354.

Gill, Life in the Southern p. 355.

For example, Gill, Life in the Southern p. vi.

Gill, Life in the Southern p. 355.

Gill, Life in the Southern p. 356.

W.W. Gill, ‘Original MSS of Native Songs etc., used in his Myths and Songs and Historical Sketches of Savage GNZMSS 45, Auckland City Libraries, Special Collections.

This last point is based on the quotation which concludes both the brothers’ story and Life in the Southern ‘The people which sat in darkness saw great light; and to them which sat in the region and shadow of death light is sprung up.’

Gill, ‘Original MSS of Native Songs …’.

The text has been slightly modified, to aid readability, by including some extra full stops, as well as inserting both macrons and hamzahs.

Gill, Life in the Southern p. 355, fn. 1; Gill, ‘The brothers’, in Gill, ‘Original MSS of Historical Sketches of Savage Life in GNZMSS 44, Auckland City Libraries, Special Collections.

The following line divisions are my own. Mamae wrote his lines across the page.

The following is a literal rendering of the song text. ‘That is, the section of pe‘e (chant on historical themes) composed about them: I climbed/Up the long hill-range, Tavaikura/I am Kōā, who almost perished./It rained and rained there,/Kōtū climbed and climbed./Standing, standing in anger, Eve/Standing, standing in anger, Eve/Fighting with malice for ages/Until the light was above’.

According to a note by Gill, Tavaikura is a place in Ivirua. In the published version he stated that it was in Karanga. The lengthened in (long) probably reflects a poetical stress to harmonise with Tavaikura.

Gill annotated the word (written by Mamae) ‘aka‘ui (truly ended). After ē’ Gill wrote (from death).

After both Gill wrote ‘rain’. Following the phrase presumably sounded like this for poetical reasons, Gill annotated it as meaning (then).

After the second use of Eve, Gill wrote (father).

Gill annotated ‘malice’ and as meaning (season, period). here reproduces Mamae’s stress, presumably the word was lengthened for poetical considerations.

N. Shibata, Part 2 Mangaian–English in K. Katayama and N. Shibata (eds), Prehistoric Cook Islands People, Life and an Official Report for Kyoto University Cook Islands Scientific Research Programme (KUCIP) in 1989–1998, Cook Islands Library and Museum Society Occasional Publications, Cook Islands Library and Museum Society, Rarotonga, 1999, p. 242.

Mamae, tara amo teia ‘enua in W.W. Gill, ‘Rarotonga Notes, Songs, Stars, Stories, [and] Letters’, Polynesian Society MS Papers 1187, folder 59 (microfilm 131, 132), Alexander Turnbull Library, National Library of New Zealand.

The story of Te Manava-roa is related in Gill, Myths and pp. 128–30 and T.R. Hiroa (P.H. Buck), Mangaian Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 122, reprint ed., Kraus Reprint, New York, 1971, p. 126. Originally published Honolulu, 1934. Gill was adamant that the atua buried there was not the spirit ancestor of Vari-mā-te-takere. Hiroa regarded it as ‘another example of the inconsistency of the Mangaian myth-makers’. I assume that the two atua of this name are actually one and the same being.

Gill, Myths and pp. 1–22, Hiroa, pp. 9–25.

Gill, Myths and p. 128.

Gill, Life in the Southern pp. 103–4.

Gill, Myths and pp. 128–9.

P. Aratangi, ‘The Entry of Christianity into Mangaian Society in the 1820s’, BD Project, Suva, Pacific Theological College, 1986, pp. 67–70; Shibata, p. 224.

See, for example, the assassination of the Ngāti Vara Te Uanuku, and the subsequent attack against Ngāti Vara’s leaders (originating from Veitātei) by a party comprising ‘most of the men of the northern half of the island’, as told in Gill, From Darkness to p. 210.

Gill, From Darkness to p. 210; Gill, Myths and p. 36.

Hiroa, p. 107.

Reilly, pp. 44–5.

Mamae, Pe‘e in Gill, ‘Original MSS of Native Songs …’.

Gill, From Darkness to pp. 45–8; Reilly, p. 44.

For example, Gill, Jottings from the London, The Religious Tract Society, 1885, pp. 105–7, 226–9; Hiroa, p. 96.

Gill, Life in the Southern p. 353.

Gill, Life in the Southern p. 355.

An excellent example is the relationship between Te Uanuku and his Raumea, especially as retold by the modern ‘are kōrero (traditional expert), Tere‘ēvangeria Aratangi, ‘Te Tua i te mate‘anga o Te Uanuku’, Cultural Development Division, Ministry of Social Services, Mangaian Kōrero series, National Archives of the Cook Islands, Rarotonga.

S. Savage, A Dictionary of the Maori Language of reprint ed., Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific in association with the Ministry of Education, Government of the Cook Islands, Suva and Rarotonga, 1980, p. 54. Originally published Wellington, 1962.

Hiroa, p. 156.

Chapter 8: Indigenous Political Representation and Comparative Research

See, for example, A. Armitage, Comparing the Policy of Aboriginal Assimilation: Australia, Canada and New UBC, Vancouver, 1995; A. Fleras and R. Maaka, Politics of Indigeneity: Challenging the State in Canada and Aotearoa New Otago University, Dunedin, 2005; A. Fleras and J.L. Elliot, The Nations Within: Aboriginal State Relations in Canada, the United States and New Oxford University, Toronto, 1992; P. Havemann (ed), Indigenous Peoples’ Rights in Australia, Canada and New Oxford University, Auckland, 1999.

Māori are the Indigenous people of New Zealand. In Canada, ‘Indigenous’ refers to three distinct social, cultural and legal groups of people: ‘Indians’ (referred to in this chapter as First Nations), Métis and Inuit (previously known as Eskimo). This discussion focuses on a comparison of the experiences of Māori and First Nations peoples because, arguably, First Nations and Māori exhibit the greatest similarity in terms of their colonial history and contemporary circumstances, which makes the differences between them more interesting and challenging to explain.

C.J. Irons Magallanes, ‘Indigenous Political Representation: Identified Parliamentary Seats as a Form of Indigenous Self-Determination’, in B.A. Hocking (ed), Unfinished Constitutional Business? Rethinking Indigenous Aboriginal Studies, Canberra, 2005, p. 109.

Communal property was a major obstacle to citizenship for First Nations. Through the Gradual Civilization Act (1857) individual property was seen as essential to civilised society. See F. Abele, ‘Belonging in the New World: Imperialism, Property and Citizenship’, in G. Kernerman and P. Resnick (eds), Insiders and Outsiders: Alan Cairns and the Reshaping of Canadian UBC, Vancouver, 2005, pp. 213–26.

Magallanes, p. 110.

For example, see J.H. Hylton (ed), Aboriginal Self-Government in Canada: Current Issues and Purich, Saskatchewan, 1994.

Four First Nations, Vunut Gwitchin, Nacho Nyak Dun, Champagne and Aishihik and Teslin Tlingit, also signed individual land claim and self-government agreements in 1993, which came into effect in 1995. See Parliamentary Information and Research Service, ‘Aboriginal Self-Government’, 19 June 1999. Online. Available: (accessed 17 June 2008).

C. Orange, The Treaty of Port Nicholson, Wellington, 1987, pp. 42–3.

L. Cox, Kotahitanga: The Search for Maori Political Oxford University, Auckland, 1993.

For some discussion of reserve making in Canada and New Zealand, see, for example, A. Ward, An Unsettled History: Treaty Claims in New Zealand Bridget Williams Books, Wellington, 1999; J.R. Miller, Skyscrapers Hide the Heavens: A History of Indian–White Relations in 3rd ed., University of Toronto, Toronto, 2000.

M. Durie, Launching Maori Futures: Nga Kahui Huia, Wellington, 2003, p. 169.

For example, see Miller, pp. 139–43.

Cited in M.S. Williams, ‘Sharing the River: Aboriginal Representation in Canadian Political Institutions’, in D. Laycock (ed), Representation and Democratic UBC, Vancouver, 2004, p. 103.

K.L. Ladner, ‘The Alienation of Nation: Understanding Aboriginal Electoral Participation’, Electoral vol. 5, no. 3 (2003), p. 24.

Durie, p. 169.

W. Kymlicka, Multicultural Oxford University, Oxford, 1995, p. 143. But Kymlicka does qualify this by saying it is important that self-governing groups have representation on the larger government that ‘created’ the self-government and has the capacity to make decisions effecting it. But this would still be a reduced form of representation.

Kymlicka, p. 143.

Note that Alan Cairns argues the opposite position with regard to guaranteed representation giving government the ‘sense’ that it governs aboriginal affairs. Cairns argues that the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples for Indigenous representation is seriously flawed and would ‘isolate First Nations from mainstream Canadian politics and reduce their input to a largely watchdog role … [I]t might distance Aboriginals from the conventional parties … and it might decrease the sensitivity of non-Aboriginals to Aboriginal concerns, as arguably occurred in New Zealand under the … system of guaranteed Maori seats.’ (A.C. Cairns, First Nations and the Canadian State: In Search of Institute of Inter-governmental Studies, Queens University, Kingston, 2005, citing Roger Gibbins, ‘Electoral Reform and Canada’s Aboriginal Population: An Assessment of Aboriginal Electoral Districts’, in R.A. Milen (ed), Aboriginal Peoples and Electoral Reform in Dundurn, Toronto and Oxford, 1991, p. 172.

Williams in Laycock, p. 95.

Williams in Laycock, pp. 101–02.

Williams in Laycock, p. 104.

Cairns, First p. 51, in reference to his work published on this in A.C. Cairns, ‘Aboriginal People’s Electoral Participation in the Canadian Community’ Electoral vol. 5, no. 3 (2003), p. 8.

J. Burrows, ‘Landed Citizenship’, in Cairns et al., Citizenship, Diversity and Pluralism: Canadian and Comparative McGill-Queens University, Montreal/Kingston, 1999, pp. 74–80.

Cited in J. Schmidt, ‘Aboriginal Representation in Government: A Comparative Examination’, Law Commission of Canada, Ottawa, unpublished paper, 2003, p. 1.

Williams in Laylock, p. 110.

Durie, p. 169.

Chapter 9: Urban Indigenous Governance Practices

My deepest appreciation to the community-based advisory committee: Shauna Seneca, Cheryl Whiskeyjack, Donna Leask and Brad Seneca. Thank you to Dr. Nathalie Kermoal, Naomi McIlwraith, Dr. Chris Andersen, Dr. Isabel Altamirano-Jiménez, Lewis Cardinal and the external reviewers for reading earlier drafts of this chapter.

The Canadian constitution recognises three groups of Aboriginal peoples termed Indian, Métis and Inuit. Today ‘First Nation(s)’ is preferred to ‘Indian’ in Canada. ‘Aboriginal’, ‘Indigenous’ and ‘Native’ will be used interchangeably in this chapter. There are additional usages that reflect the complexities surrounding appropriate terminologies past and present and the diverse contexts in which these terms applied.

Edmonton, Alberta (table), Aboriginal Population Profile, 2006 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. Ottawa, released 15 January, 2008.

J. Graham and J. Wilson, ‘Aboriginal Governance in the Decade Ahead: 92-594-XWE Towards a New Agenda for Change’, Institute on 2004, p. 2. Online. Available: (accessed 2 May 2008).

D. Newhouse, ‘Invisible Infrastructure: Urban Aboriginal Institutions and Organizations’, in D. Newhouse and E. Peters (eds), Not Strangers in These Parts: Urban Aboriginal Policy Research Initiative, Ottawa, 2003, pp. 247–8.

C. Clatworthy et al., ‘Urban Aboriginal Organizations: Edmonton, Toronto and Winnipeg’, in E.J. Peters (ed), Aboriginal Self-Government in Urban Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, Queen’s University, Ontario, 1995, p. 37.

Unless specifically stated, all Indigenous words in this chapter are from the Cree language. When referring to specific organisational names and programmes, I use their spelling. Unless specifically stated, all other Cree words are spelt using the Alberta Elders Cree

E. Waugh et al., Alberta Elders’ Cree Duval House and University of Alberta, Edmonton, 1998, p. 295.

L. Goyette, Edmonton in our Own University of Alberta, Edmonton, 2004, p. 11.

Goyette, pp. 22–4.

Edmonton Urban Aboriginal Accord Initiative (E.U.A.A.I.), ‘Aboriginal Edmonton: A Statistical Profile of the Aboriginal Population of the City of Edmonton’, 2005.

Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, vol. IV, ch. VII, table 7.4, 1996. Online. Available: (accessed 5 June 2008).

E.U.A.A.I., p. 1.

M.J. Norris and L. Jantzen, ‘Aboriginal Languages in Canada’s Urban Areas: Characteristics, Considerations and Implications’, in Newhouse and Peters, p. 109.

Alberta Aboriginal Relations, ‘A Guide to Aboriginal Organizations in Alberta’, Province of Alberta, 2008, pp. 1–32. Online. Available: OrganizationsGuide (accessed Jan 2009).

R. Groves, Re-fashioning the Dialogue: Urban Aboriginal Governance in National Association of Friendship Centers, Ottawa, 1999, p. 54.

Groves, p. 50.

Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (R.C.A.P.), vol. II, ch. III, p. 168–169. Online. Available: (accessed 8 June 2008).

E. Peters (ed), Aboriginal Self-Government in Urban Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, Kingston, Queen’s University, 1995, p. vii; R. Walker, ‘Searching for Aboriginal/Indigenous Self-determination: Urban Citizenship in the Winnipeg Low-Cost-Housing Sector, Canada’, Environment and Planning vol. 38, no. 12 (2006), p. 2347.

B. Lawrence, ‘Real’ Indians and Others: Mixed-Blood Urban Native Peoples and Indigenous University of Nebraska, Lincoln, 2004, p. 204.

See n. 2.

Aboriginal e-notice (Edmonton) 6 June 2008, p. 2.

First Nations, Métis and Inuit Elders have been invited to participate in the IECRCS. The Elders will practise the cultural traditions and ceremonies that are specific to them. Indigenous Elders Cultural Resource Circle Society (IECRCS), e-mail, 1 March 2007.

Graham et al., p. 2.

In this chapter I use the term ‘traditional’ to refer to those practices that Bent Arrow and the Elders involved in their programming have said are traditional. Taiaiake Alfred provides a helpful commentary on this: ‘Working within a traditional framework, we must acknowledge the fact that cultures change and that any particular notion of what constitutes ‘tradition’ will be contested. Nevertheless, we can identify certain common beliefs, values and principles that form the persistent core of a community’s culture. It is this traditional framework that we must use to build a better society. I am advocating a self-conscious traditionalism, an intellectual, social and political movement that will reinvigorate those values, principles and other cultural elements that are best suited to the larger contemporary political and economic reality’ (G.A. Taiaiake, Peace, Power and Righteousness: An Indigenous Don Mills, Oxford University, 1999, p. xviii.).

Bent Arrow Traditional Healing Society homepage. Online. Available: (accessed 17 November 2008).

Shauna Seneca passed away in December 2006. She was a mentor to many in Edmonton and is greatly missed. Shauna hoped to one day write a book about Bent Arrow’s philosophy and unique model. This chapter is dedicated to her.

B. Seneca, Interview with the writer, 4 April 2005.

C. Bridges, Interview with the writer, 14 July 2005.

R. Woodman, Interview with the writer, 10 July 2005.

B. Mussel et al., ‘The Mental Health and Well-Being of Aboriginal Children and Youth: Guidance for New Approaches and Services’, vol. 1, Report 9, UBC, Vancouver, 2004, p. 23.

Lawrence, p. 169

B. Seneca, Interview with the writer, 21 July 2005.

This chapter is based on research and writing completed during my Masters of Arts in Indigenous Governance, University of Victoria, Canada.

L.T. Smith, Decolonising Methodologies: Research and Indigenous University of Otago, Dunedin, 2002, p. 127.

G. Dickson and K.L. Green, ‘Participatory Action Research: Lessons Learned with Aboriginal Grandmothers’, Health Care for Women vol. 22 (2001), p. 472.

P. Freire, Pedagogy of the Seabury, New York, 1970, p. 3.

L. Makokis, ‘Teachings from Cree Elders: A Grounded Study of Indigenous Elders’, PhD thesis, University of San Diego, 2001, p. 90.

J. Bopp et al., The Sacred Tree: Reflections on Native American Lotus Light Publications, Twin Lakes, 1989, p. 9.

Bopp et al., p. 26; M. Hart, ‘An Aboriginal Approach to Social Work Practice’, in T. Heinonen and L. Spearman (eds), Social Work Practice Problem Solving and Irwin, Toronto, 2001, p. 237.

Four Arrows Programme, Staff Questionnaire, 15 June 2005.

S. Seneca, ‘Relationship-based Practice Model’, Edmonton, 2001.

Bopp et al., p. 18.

S. Seneca, Interview with the writer, 2005.

Bridges, Interview with the writer, 2005.

Healthy Families Questionnaire, 1 June 2005.

S. Seneca, Interview with the writer, 2005.

Sacred Circle Programme, Questionnaire, 14 July 2005.

S. Seneca, Interview with the writer, 2005.

Bopp et al., p. 50.

Circle of Hope Programme, Questionnaire, 9 June 2005.

Bopp et al., p. 51.

S. Seneca, Interview with the writer, 2005.

Bopp et al., p. 35.

Circle of Hope, Questionnaire, 2005.

Mary, Interview with the writer, 16 July 2005. Mary preferred to use only her first name for this interview.

S. Ghostkeeper, Interview with the writer, 11 July 2005.

E. Peters, ‘Three Myths about Aboriginals in Cities’, Breakfast on the Hill Presentation, Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, Ottawa: Ontario, 2004, p. 9.

D. Newhouse, ‘From the Tribal to the Modern: The Development of Modern Aboriginal Societies’, in R.F. Laliberte et al. (eds), Expressions in Canadian Native University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, 2000, pp. 395–409; J. Silver et al., In Their Own Voices: Building Urban Aboriginal Fernwood, Halifax, 2006.

Bent Arrow has used the findings of this research to give to new employees and external people organisations interested in their model.

Clatworthy et al., p. 64.

Silver, pp.169–70.

Silver, p. 169; J. Wherrett and D. Brown, ‘Models for Aboriginal Government in Urban Areas’, in Peters, p. 105.

Chapter 10: The Nationalist Gaze of an Aboriginal Artist

I would like to thank Dr Ellen Bielawski, Dr Chris Andersen and Dr Isabel Altamirano-Jiménez for their very constructive feedback as well as the anonymous reviewers of this chapter. Thank you to Eve-Marie Forcier, Dr Bielawski and Dr Andersen for working with me to improve my written English.

D. Nemiroff et al., Land Spirit Power: First Nations at the National Gallery of National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, 1992.

J. Webb, ‘Negotiating Alterity: Indigenous and “Outsider” Art’, Third vol. 16, no. 2 (2002), p. 144.

A. Young Man, ‘Towards a Political History of Native Art’, in A. Suzuki (ed), Visions of Power: Contemporary Art by First Nations, Inuit and Japanese The Earth Spirit Festival, Toronto, 1991, p. 27.

R.L. Irwin and R. Farrell, ‘The Framing of Aboriginal Art’, in D.A. Long and Olive Patricia Dickason (eds), Visions of the Heart: Canadian Aboriginal Harcourt Brace and Company, Toronto, 1996, p. 69.

Since the 1980s, a number of Aboriginal artists like Carl Beam, Joanne Cardinal-Schubert, Jane Ash Poitras, Faye HeavyShield, Robert Houle, Gerald McMaster, Shelley Niro, Teresa Marshall, Rebecca Belmore and many others have ‘share[d] a common desire to challenge one mode of thought and, to change what and who history is, thereby enabling revision for the past and inclusion for the future’. (C. Podedworny, Rethinking History: Group Exhibition: John Abrams, Stephen Andrews, Robert Houle, Sara Leydon, Edward Poitras, Jane Ash 1992. Online. Available: (accessed 5 September 2008).

It should be noted here that the author recognises that historical thinking has gone through controversies and debates from the 1960s onward, in Canada, as well as other countries around the world including New Zealand and that ‘the old organizing frameworks that presupposed the privileging of various centres (things that are, for example, Anglo-centric, Euro-centric, ethno-centric, gender-centric, logo-centric) are no longer regarded as legitimate ….’ (K. Jenkins, Rethinking Routledge, London, 1991, p. 71). According to historian Sarah Carter, ‘The great majority of [Canadian] scholars have attempted to dramatically shift and expand the focus of historical inquiry from Europeans to Aboriginal people. They are reacting against earlier approaches that saw a weak and subordinate people quickly disappearing from sight. Most of the scholars … have stressed the power of human agency, drawing upon developments in other areas of social history, including women’s, working-class and ethnic history. Within this framework Aboriginal people are no longer cast as ‘passive victims’ but as ‘active agents’, genuine actors with strategies and interests of their own that they rigorously pursued. They had some control over their own fate, despite the uneven power relationship that eventually favoured Europeans. As active agents they did not allow themselves to be victimized. The history of contact, then, is no longer seen as one dominant group imposing will and authority on an oppressed group; rather, it is seen as a process of reciprocity and exchange among all participants’ (S. Carter, Aboriginal People and Colonizers of Western Canada to University of Toronto, Toronto, 1999, pp. 9–10). Aboriginal artists are questioning the earlier approach of history or meta-narrative and the generalisations that came with it.

b. hooks, ‘Altars of Sacrifice: Re-membering Basquiat’, in Outlaw Culture: Resisting Routledge, London, pp. 25–37. b. hooks’s pseudonym, her great-grandmother’s name, celebrates female legacies and is in lower case because ‘it is the substance of my books, not who is writing them, that is, important’ accessed 8 September 2008).

O. Dickason, Canada’s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest McClelland & Stewart, Toronto, 1992, p. 420.

The work of Teresa Marshall is diverse and complex. I have chosen Elitekey because this art piece was created at a time of political unrest in Canada. Despite repeated attempts to contact Ms. Marshall, I have been unsuccessful. I, therefore, provide a link to its picture rather than an illustration to respect the artist’s copyright. Go to scroll towards the end of the page and you will see the installation.

E. Said, Vintage Books, New York, 1979, p. 207.

M. Foucault, Surveiller et Punir: Naissance de la Gallimard, Paris, 1975.

L.T. Smith, Decolonising Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Otago University, Dunedin, 2001, p. 2.

K. Absolon and C. Willett, ‘Putting Ourselves Forward: Location in Aboriginal Research’, in L. Brown and S. Strega (eds), Research as Resistance: Cultural, Indigenous, & Anti-oppressive Canadian Scholars’, Toronto, 2005, p. 98.

Smith, p. 28.

D. Delâge, ‘L’histoire des Premières Nations, Approches et Orientations’, Revue d’Histoire de l’Amérique vol. 53, no. 4 (2000), p. 521.

C. West, ‘The New Cultural Politics of Difference’, in R. Ferguson et al. (eds), Out There: Marginalization and Contemporary MIT, Cambridge, 1990, p. 36.

E. Said, Culture and First Vintage Books, New York, 1994, p. xii.

Smith, p. 34.

Said, Culture and pp. 66–7.

E. Larocque, ‘Native Writers Resisting Colonizing Practices in Canadian Historiography and Literature’, PhD thesis, University of Manitoba, 1999, p. 137.

J. Acland, First Nations Art: An Introduction to Contemporary Native Artists in 19 February 1999, p.1. Online. Available: (accessed 24 August 2006).

W. Kymlicka, ‘Le Fédéralisme Multinational au Canada: Un Partenariat à Repenser’, in Guy Laforest and Roger Gibbins (eds), Sortir de l’Impasse: Les Voies de la IRPP, Montréal, 1998, p. 15.

D. Francis, The Imaginary Indian: The Image of the Indian in Canadian Arsenal Pulp, Vancouver, 1992, p. 221.

Royal Commission on Aboriginal People, Volume 1: Looking Forward Looking Back, 1996. Online. Last updated 02 August 2006. Available: (accessed 24 August 2006).

Nemiroff et al., p. 197.

Dickason, p. 409.

‘Oka, which its First Nations inhabitants know as Kanesatake, is located on the north shore of the Lake of Two Mountains, just at the confluence of the Ottawa and St. Lawrence rivers in South-western Quebec’ (J.R. Miller, Lethal Legacy: Current Native Controversies in McClelland & Stewart Ltd, Toronto, 2004, p. 165). While the recent dispute started over a golf course, the conflict in Oka has deep historical roots. The French colonisation in the area of Montreal brought settlers and missionaries in the 1600s. Over time, the Sulpicians developed a settled community in the La Montagne area, later moving the mission to Lac des deux The Native community wanted to settle the title of their land quickly and continued to protest the Sulpicians’ claim until after the mid-nineteenth century. The Mohawks argued that they ‘used and occupied that territory and exercised sovereignty over it long before the land grants by the King of France’ (J. Frideres, Aboriginal Peoples in Canada: Contemporary Prentice Hall Allyn and Bacon Canada, Scarborough, 1998, p. 340). Over the years, the seminary sold part of the land, creating deeper tensions with the Aboriginal people. Later, ‘both the community of Kanesatake and the Municipality of Oka are faced with the dual problems of making decisions regarding land use and management that may affect the other community and dealing with decisions made by the other community affecting them’ (Frideres, p. 338). The dispute in 1990 over 39 hectares of land for a golf course expansion involved land sold by the Sulpicians. This piece of land is very important to the Mohawks. It was part of their common lands used for community activities and they also had a cemetery in the pine forest. Several blockades were erected and in response, the government of Quebec sent the provincial police. The tensions escalated and in August 1990, the Federal government sent 2500 soldiers to dismantle the barricades and control the area. Blockades and protests erupted in many parts of the country in solidarity with the Mohawk people of Kanesatake while at the same time anti-aboriginal sentiments developed, supported by the media’s portrayal of the Mohawks as terrorists.

Nemiroff et al., p. 199.

Nemiroff et al., p. 201.

A. Hornborg, ‘Différentes Perceptions du Paysage: Changement et Continuité chez les Micmacs’, Recherches Amérindiennes au vol. XXXIV, no. 3 (2004), p. 45.

L. Spence, North American Indians: Myths and Bracken Books, London, 1985, pp. 146–7.

Hornborg, p. 48.

Nemiroff et al., p. 200.

J. Acland, ‘Elitekey: The Artistic Production of Mi’kmaq Women’, Revue d’art canadienne/Canadian Art vol. XXV, nos 1–2 (1998), pp. 6–7.

Acland, ‘Elitekey’, p. 7.

Acland, ‘Elitekey’, p. 3.

G. Van Woudenberg, ‘Des Femmes et de la Territorialité’: Début d’un Dialogue sur la Nature Sexuée des Droits des Autochtones’, Recherches amérindiennes au vol. XXXIV, no. 3 (2004), pp. 74–86.

Van Woudenberg, p. 80.

These discriminatory measures were enacted in the Enfranchisement Act of 1869 and re-affirmed in the Indian Act of 1876. Aboriginal women would have to wait until 1985 with Bill C-31 to see any changes to the discriminatory measures.

Van Woudenberg, p. 76.

Nemiroff et al., p. 196.

S. Spears, ‘Reconstructing the Colonizer: Self-representation by First Nations Artists’, vol. 29, no. 2 (Spring/Summer 2005), p. 127.

H. Cixous, ‘Castration or Decapitation?’, in R. Ferguson et al., p. 353.

Fanon in Smith, p. 29.

Webb, p. 150.

J. Rickard, ‘After Essay – Indigenous is the Local’, in L. Jessup and S. Bagg (eds), On Aboriginal Representation in the Canadian Museum of Civilization, Ottawa, 2002, p. 121.

Podedworny, 1992.

Chapter 11: The Fiction of Post-Colonial Pacific Writers

T. Teaiwa, ‘Lomani Viti: Reflections on Patriotic Literature from Post-Coups Fiji’, no. 53 (April 2004), p. 85.

Archdiocese of Sāmoa, Faith and Patriotism Cardinal Pio Tautai, Sāmoa, 2006, p. 42.

A. Wendt, ‘Towards a New Oceania’, Mana vol. 1, no. 1 (January 1976), pp. 49–60.

Wendt, p. 54.

Wendt, p. 53.

Wendt, p. 52.

S. Nandan, ‘The Indian–Fijian: A Complex Fate’, in S. Nandan, Fiji: Paradise in Centre for Research in the New Literatures in English and Pacific Indian Publications, ANU, Canberra, 2000, pp. 34–48.

Nandan, p. 48.

E. Hau‘ofa, ‘Our Sea of Islands’, in E. Waddall et al. (eds), A New Oceania: Rediscovering Our Sea of USP in assoc. with Beake House, Suva, 1993, pp. 2–16.

E. Hau‘ofa, ‘Epilogue: Pasts to Remember’, in R. Borofsky (ed), Remembrance of Pacific University of Hawai‘i, Honolulu, 2000, p. 454.

Wendt, p. 54.

Hau‘ofa, ‘Our Sea of Islands’, p. 16.

N. Thiong’o, Decolonising the Mind The Politics of Language in African James Currey in assoc. with Heinemann, London, 1986, p. 3.

P. Manoa, ‘Singing in their Genealogical Trees’, Mana vol. 1, no. 1 (January 1976), p. 69.

S. Vaai, Literary Representations in Western Polynesia: Colonialism and National University of Sāmoa, Apia, 1999, p. 30.

S. Mishra, ‘Ferringhi – A Play in Seven Lilas’, in I Gaskell (ed), Beyond Ceremony: An Anthology of Drama From Institute of Pacific Studies and Pacific Writing Forum, USP, Suva, 2000, pp. 332–91.

Teaiwa, p. 85.

P. Craddock, ‘Play looks at life from the grog bowl’, The Fiji 1 December 1993, p. 13.

I. Gaskell, ‘Theatrical Representation and National Identity in Fiji’, in H. Trivedi et al (eds), The Nation Across the World: Postcolonial Literary Oxford University, New Delhi, 2007, p. 240.

M. Field, ‘The Indian Factor’, Islands vol. 32, no. 4 (April 2006), p. 23.

S. Mishra, interview with the writer, Canberra, November 1995.

Mishra, ‘Ferringhi’, p. 333.

Mishra, p. 336.

Mishra, p. 338.

Mishra, p. 340.

Mishra, p. 343.

Mishra, p. 345.

Mishra, p. 346.

Mishra, p. 347.

Mishra, p. 382.

Mishra, p. 385.

Mishra, p. 386.

Mishra, p. 387.

Mishra, p. 389.

Mishra, p. 390.

Craddock, p. 13.

R. Keith-Reid, ‘Fiji’s Simmering Election Pot’, Islands vol. 32, no. 4 (April 2006), pp. 16–20.

B. Ashcroft, ‘The Emperor’s New Clothes’, in C. Vijayasree et al. (eds), Nation in Imagination: Essays on Nationalism, Sub-Nationalisms and Orient Longman, Hyderabad, India, 2007, p. 137.

S. Figiel, Where We Once Pasifika, Auckland, 1996. See also S. Figiel, The Girl in the Moon Mana Publications, Suva, Fiji, 1996 and S. Figiel, ‘The Dancers’, in S. Tusitala Marsh (ed), Niu Voices; Contemporary Pacific Fiction Huia, Wellington, 2006, pp. 195–201.

S. Figiel, pers comm. with the writer, Apia, 2007.

S. Figiel, ‘O le Solo ia Lupe ma le I’a/Poem of Lupe and the Fish’, Rongorongo Studies: A Forum for Polynesian vol. 4, no. 2 (1994), p. 40.

Figiel, p. 41.

Figiel, p. 42.

Figiel, p. 43.

S. Figiel, ‘The Centre’, The UTS Review: Cultural Studies and New vol. 1, no. 1 (August 1995), p. 93.

M. Meleisea, O Tama Uli: Melanesians in Institute of Pacific Studies, USP, Suva, 1980.

Figiel, ‘The Centre’, p. 107.

Figiel, p. 108.

Figiel, p. 112.

Figiel, p. 132.

Figiel, p. 137.

Figiel, p. 119.

Figiel, pers comm. with the writer, 2007.

Ashcroft, p. 133.

K. Helu Thaman, Mana Publications, Suva, 1993, p. 28.

R. Crocombe, pers comm. with the writer, 1993.

Thaman, p. 28.

Chapter 12: Neoliberalism, Racialised Gender and Indigeneity

T.D. Hall and J.V. Fenelon, ‘Indigenous Movements and Globalization: What is Different? What is the Same?’, vol. 5, no. 1 (2008), pp. 1–11.

T. Hall and S. Bobones, ‘Introduction’, in C.K. Chase-Dunn and Salvatore J. Babones (eds), Global Social Change: Historical and Comparative John Hopkins University, Baltimore, 2006, p. 4.

R. Niezen, ‘Recognizing Indigenism: Canadian Unity and the International Movement of Indigenous Peoples’, Comparative Studies in History and vol. 42, no. 1 (2000), p. 121.

D. Harvey, Neoliberalism: A Brief Oxford University, Oxford, 2005.

P. O’Connell, ‘On Reconciling Irreconcilables: Neo-liberal Globalisation and Human Rights’, Human Rights Law vol. 7, no. 3 (2007), p. 15.

C.R. Hale, NACLA Report on the vol. 38, issue 2 (Sept./Oct. 2004), pp. 16–21; C.R. Hale, ‘Neoliberal Multiculturalism: The Remaking of Cultural Rights and Racial Dominance in Central America’, PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology vol. 28, no. 1 (2005), p. 13.

N. Castree, ‘Differential Geographies: Place, Indigenous Rights and “Local” Resources’, Political vol. 23 (2004), p. 137.

E. Boris, ‘From Gender to Racialized Gender: Laboring Bodies That Matter’, International Labor and Working-Class vol. 63 (2003), p. 10.

V. Newdick, ‘The Indigenous Woman as Victim of Her own Culture in Neoliberal Mexico’, Cultural vol. 17, no. 1 (2005), pp. 73–92.

Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples Report, Volume 4, Perspectives and Realities, Ottawa, 1996, chapter Health Canada, Women’s Health Bureau, ‘The Health of Aboriginal Women’. Online. Available: p.1.

S. Clarkson, ‘The Multi Level State: Canada in the Semi-Periphery of both Continentalism and Globalization’, 2000. Online. Available: (accessed January 2007).

B.J. Barton, in R. McPherson, New Owners in Their Own Land. Minerals and Inuit Land University of Calgary, Calgary, 2003, p. xix.

McPherson, p. xx.

B.S. d’Anglure and F. Morin, ‘The Inuit People, Between Particularism and Internationalism: An Overview of their Rights and Powers in 1992’, Inuit vol. 16, nos 1–2 (1992), pp. 14.

D. Raunet, Without Surrender Without Consent. A History of the Nishga Land Douglas and McIntyre, Vancouver, 1984, p. 161.

F. Abele et al., ‘Negotiating Canada: Changes in Aboriginal Policy over the Last Thirty Years’, in L. Pal (ed), How Ottawa Spends Oxford University, Toronto, 1999, p. 259.

McPherson, pp. xviii–xix.

p. xxi.

D.B. Rose, ‘Land Rights and Deep Colonising: The Erasure of Women’, Aboriginal Law vol. 3, no. 85 (1996), pp. 6–14.

McPherson, p. xviii.

R.S. Ratner et al., ‘Wealth of Nations: Aboriginal Treaty Making in the Era of Globalization’, in John Torpey (ed), Politics and the Past: On Repairing Historical Rowan and Littlefield Publishers, Lanham, 2003, p. 218.

G.A. Slowey, ‘Globalization and Self-Government: Impacts and Implications for First Nations in Canada’, The American Review of Canadian (Spring/Summer 2001) pp. 265–81.

T. Wotherspoon and V. Satzewich, First Nations: Race, Class and Gender Canadian Plains Research Centre, Regina, 2000, p. xxv.

N. Fontaine, ‘Aboriginal Women’s Perspective on Self-Government’, Canadian Dimension 2002. Online. Available: (accessed 5 January 2006).

First Ministers and National Aboriginal Leaders, ‘Strengthening Relations and Closing the Gap’, 24–25 November 2005, Kelowna B.C. Online. Available: (accessed May 2007).

D. Perkins, L. Nelms and P. Nelms, ‘Beyond Neo-liberalism: the Social Investment State?’, Social Policy Working no. 3 (2004), p. 2. Online. Available: (accessed 20 January 2008).

R. Lister, ‘Investing in the Citizen-Workers of the Future: Transformations in Citizenship and the State under New Labour’, Social Policy & vol. 37, no. 5 (2003), p. 437.

A. Porter, ‘The Harper Government: Towards A New Social Order?’, Socialist Project E-Bulletin 21 (2006). Online. Available: (accessed January 2007).

S. Harper, Speech on the Government Achievements for Aboriginal Peoples, Halifax, 2 November, 2007. Online. Available:

Native Women Association of Canada (N.W.A.C.) Report: Reclaiming our Way of Being: Matrimonial Real Property What We Heard, Ottawa, 2007.

National Council of Welfare Report, First Nations, Métis and Inuit Children and Youth Time to 2007. Online. Available:

A. Côté, ‘The Broken Promises of Prime Minister Harper’, vol. 25, no. 1 (2007). Online. Available: (accessed January 2008).

See n. 29.

Conservative Party of Canada, Stand Up for Federal Election Platform, 2006. Online. Available: (accessed May 2007).

Government’s Response to the Seventh Report of the Standing Committee on Aboriginal Online. Available: (accessed August 2008).

J. Fiske and A.J. Browne, ‘Aboriginal Citizen, Discredited Medical Subject: Paradoxical Constructions of Aboriginal Women’s Subjectivity in Canadian Health Care Policies’, Policy vol. 39 (2006), p. 94.

Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, vol. 1, Minister of Supply and Services, Ottawa, 1996; Amnesty International, ‘Stolen Sisters: A Human Rights Response to Discrimination and Violence Against Indigenous Women In Canada’, 2004. Online. Available: (accessed January 2007).

First Nations and Inuit Health Branch, 2002 quoted in Fiske and Browne, p. 94.

Chapter 13: A Genealogy of Indigenous Resistance

Cited R.J. Walker, Ka Whawhai Tonu Matou: Struggle Without Penguin, Auckland, 1990, pp. 227–8.

Cited L.T. Smith, Decolonising Methodologies: Research and Indigenous University of Otago, Dunedin, 1999, p. 110.

Walker, p. 214.

Cited J. Williams, Politics of the New Zealand Maori: Protest and Cooperation Auckland University, Auckland, 1969, p. 134.

Cited Williams, p. 135.

B. Anderson, Imagined Verso, London, 1983, p. 5.

Cited I. Stuart, ‘The Construction of a National Maori Identity by Maori Media’, Pacific Journalism vol. 9 (2003), p. 48.

Walker, p. 111.

Williams, p. 137.

Williams, pp. 136–7.

Walker, p. 214.

Walker, p. 235.

E. Poata-Smith, ‘Ka tika a muri, ka tika a mua?: Māori Protest Politics and the Treaty of Waitangi Settlement Process’, in P. Spoonley, C. Macpherson and D. Pearson (eds), Tangata Tangata: The Changing Ethnic Contours of New Thomson/Dunmore, Victoria, 2004, p. 69.

Poata-Smith, p. 68.

F. Nietzsche, Genealogy of Morals: A Polemic; Peoples and Countries (fragment), translated by H.B. Samuel, T.N. Foulis, Edinburgh, 1910.

Smith, p. 110.

C. Te Kawehau Hoskins, ‘In the Interests of Maori Women? Discourses of Reclamation’, Women’s Studies vol. 13, no. 2 (1997), p. 26.

Smith, p. 34.

Hoskins, p. 27.

C. West, ‘The New Cultural Politics of Difference’, in S. During (ed), The Cultural Studies Routledge, London, 1993, p. 212.

Cited Williams, p. 3.

L. Paterson, ‘Mana Māori Motuhake: Challenges to “Kāwanatanga”, 1840–1940’, in T. Ka’ai, J. Moorfield, M. Reilly and S. Mosley (eds), Ki te Whaiao: An Introduction to Māori Pearson, Auckland, 2004, p. 163.

A. Harris, Hīkoi. Forty Years of Māori Huia, Wellington, 2004, p. 13.

Walker, p. 220.

Harris, p. 26.

Harris, pp. 24–5.

D.T. Goldberg, ‘Modernity, Race and Morality’, in D.T. Goldberg, Racist Culture: Philosophy and the Politics of Blackwell, Oxford, p. 19.

K. Nash, ‘The “Cultural Turn” in Social Theory: Towards a Theory of Cultural Politics’, vol. 35, no. 1 (2001), p. 86.

Goldberg, p. 37.

Goldberg, p. 20.

M. Foucault, The Archaeology of Routledge, London, 1972.

A. Camus, The London, The Folio Society, 1987, pp. 59–60.

R. Consedine and J. Consedine, Healing Our History: The Challenge of the Treaty of Penguin, Auckland, 2001, pp. 104–5.

P. Temm, The Waitangi Tribunal: The Conscience of a Random Century, Auckland, 1990, p. 64.

Smith, p. 112.

Walker, p. 112.

G. Hegel, Phenomenology of translated by A. Miller, Clarendon, Oxford, 1977.

M. Peters, ‘Cultural Studies and the Future of “Culture”’, New Zealand vol. 16, no. 2 (2001), p. 33.

Cited Peters, p. 33.

Cited Peters, p. 34.

A. Memmi, The Colonizer and the Oxford University, London, 1967, p. 89.

A. Simpson, ‘Commentary: The “Problem” of Mental Health in Native North America: Liberalism, Multiculturalism and the (Non)Efficacy of Tears’, vol. 36, no. 3 (2008), p. 376.

Cited T. Flynn, Existentialism: A Very Short Oxford University, Oxford, p. 102.

Smith, p. 107.

D. Brown, ‘Pierre Bourdieu’s “Masculine Domination” Thesis and the Gendered Body in Sport and Physical Culture’, Sociology of Sport vol. 23 (2006), p. 180.

S. Lash, ‘Power after Hegemony’, Theory, Culture & vol. 24, no. 3 (2007), p. 56.

F. Nietzsche, Human, All Too Human: A Book for Free Cambridge University, Cambridge, 1999, p. 100.

Top Articles
Latest Posts
Article information

Author: Clemencia Bogisich Ret

Last Updated: 18/07/2023

Views: 5865

Rating: 5 / 5 (80 voted)

Reviews: 95% of readers found this page helpful

Author information

Name: Clemencia Bogisich Ret

Birthday: 2001-07-17

Address: Suite 794 53887 Geri Spring, West Cristentown, KY 54855

Phone: +5934435460663

Job: Central Hospitality Director

Hobby: Yoga, Electronics, Rafting, Lockpicking, Inline skating, Puzzles, scrapbook

Introduction: My name is Clemencia Bogisich Ret, I am a super, outstanding, graceful, friendly, vast, comfortable, agreeable person who loves writing and wants to share my knowledge and understanding with you.